Liu Haixing now leads the Communist Party of China’s International Department. This shift marks a key change in the party’s top ranks. The department handles links between the CPC and political groups abroad. It acts as the main link to other communist countries. Liu steps in for Liu Jianchao, who took the role in 2022.
Liu Jianchao vanished from public view after late July. Reports say he faced detention right after a trip to Africa. His time in charge stood out for bold moves. He visited more than 20 countries. He met leaders from over 160 nations. In 2024, he went to Washington. There, he talked with U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken. That meeting fueled talk of him as the next foreign minister. Yet, his sudden exit raises questions about internal party checks.
Liu Haixing brings a solid track record. At age 62, he started at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in 1985. He worked on diplomatic posts in France and at the United Nations. Later, he led the European Affairs unit. By 2015, he held the rank of assistant minister. In 2018, he moved to security roles. He became deputy head of the Office of the National Security Commission. This path shows his deep ties to both foreign policy and security matters.
Experts see this swap as part of a pattern. It follows the quick removal of Foreign Minister Qin Gang earlier. The party seems to favor reliable experts over flashy names. High-profile diplomats like Liu Jianchao drew notice with open styles. But now, the focus turns to steady leaders who stick to set paths. One analyst noted, “The CPC wants control, not spotlight risks.” Still, no big changes loom in China’s outreach to the world. The department follows orders from higher up. It carries out plans, not crafts them.
This role matters because the International Department shapes quiet diplomacy. It builds ties without much fanfare. For instance, it keeps contact with parties in places like Vietnam or Cuba. These links help China hold sway in global politics. Readers might wonder why such shifts happen. Party leaders often pick based on trust and skill in tough times. Liu Haixing’s security background fits that need. It points to a drive for firm handling of foreign risks.
In broader terms, these moves reflect caution in Beijing. With tensions high in Asia and beyond, the CPC picks hands-on pros. Data from recent years shows over 100 such department trips yearly. They aim to steady alliances. Yet, the core policy stays the same: engage on China’s terms. This appointment ensures that flow continues without bold twists.
The Quiet Transition at China’s Foreign Relations Nerve Center
In a move that speaks volumes about the evolving power dynamics within China’s Communist Party, Liu Haixing has assumed control of one of Beijing’s most strategically important institutions—the International Department of the Communist Party of China (CPCID). This personnel change, announced through a routine website update on September 30, 2025, represents far more than a simple bureaucratic rotation. It marks a deliberate recalibration of how China’s ruling party engages with the world, and its ripples will be felt across Southeast Asia, particularly in Singapore.
Understanding the CPCID’s Strategic Role
To appreciate the significance of this appointment, one must first understand what makes the CPCID unique in China’s diplomatic architecture. Unlike the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, which handles traditional state-to-state relations, the CPCID operates in a parallel diplomatic universe—one of party-to-party connections. This gives Beijing a powerful tool: the ability to cultivate relationships with opposition parties, political movements, and non-state actors that may one day hold power.
For communist and former communist states like North Korea, Vietnam, and Laos, the CPCID serves as the primary channel of communication, often superseding formal diplomatic channels. But its reach extends far beyond ideological allies. The department has built bridges with social democratic parties in Europe, political movements in Africa and Latin America, and increasingly, political parties across Southeast Asia.
This shadow diplomacy network allows China to hedge its bets, maintaining relationships with multiple political factions within a single country, and to advance the Chinese Communist Party’s interests in ways that formal state diplomacy cannot.
The Fall of a Rising Star
Liu Jianchao’s disappearance from public life tells a cautionary tale about the perils of prominence in Xi Jinping’s China. The urbane 61-year-old diplomat had been the face of a more assertive, personable Chinese foreign engagement since his 2022 appointment. A former foreign ministry spokesman fluent in English, Liu Jianchao broke the mold of typical CPCID ministers. He spoke candidly, traveled extensively—visiting over 20 countries and meeting officials from more than 160 nations—and cultivated a reputation as someone who could bridge the widening chasm between China and the West.
His 2024 meeting with then-US Secretary of State Antony Blinken fueled speculation that he was being groomed for the foreign minister position. In retrospect, this may have been his undoing. Liu Jianchao’s high-profile style, while effective in generating positive media coverage abroad, may have been perceived as self-aggrandizing or politically risky by party leadership.
His reported detention after returning from an African trip in late July follows a troubling pattern. Former Foreign Minister Qin Gang, another charismatic English-speaking diplomat with a high public profile, was similarly removed from office in 2023 for unspecified “irregularities.” The message is clear: in Xi’s China, steady competence trumps star power, and deviation from approved scripts carries severe consequences.
Enter Liu Haixing: The Trusted Technocrat
Liu Haixing represents the antithesis of his predecessor’s approach. At 62, he brings three decades of diplomatic experience, but his career trajectory reveals a preference for working behind the scenes rather than in the spotlight. His professional journey from French-language translator to heading the Ministry of Foreign Affairs’ European Affairs department demonstrates solid competence without flashiness.
More significantly, his 2018 transition from diplomacy to national security—as deputy director of the Office of the National Security Commission, chaired by President Xi himself—marks him as a trusted insider. For seven years, he has operated in the shadows of China’s national security apparatus, a realm where discretion is paramount and loyalty is everything.
This background suggests several things about his appointment. First, Xi Jinping values personal trust and security credentials over diplomatic charisma. Second, the CPCID will likely take a lower public profile, focusing on substantive outcomes rather than media-friendly gestures. Third, there may be increased coordination between the CPCID’s party diplomacy and China’s broader security and intelligence apparatus.
The Pattern of Purges and Pragmatism
Liu Haixing’s appointment is not an isolated event but part of a broader pattern of personnel changes that have reshaped China’s foreign policy establishment. The removal of Defense Minister Li Shangfu, the disciplining of Foreign Minister Qin Gang, and now the disappearance of Liu Jianchao point to a systematic housecleaning.
Several factors appear to be driving this consolidation:
Centralization of Authority: Xi Jinping is tightening control over all aspects of foreign policy, ensuring that no individual becomes too prominent or develops an independent power base.
Risk Aversion: The party appears to be eliminating officials whose public personas or working styles might create unpredictability in China’s foreign relations at a time of heightened global tensions.
Loyalty Over Competence: While the replaced officials were generally considered competent, their successors are valued more for their demonstrated loyalty and alignment with Xi’s vision.
Security-First Mindset: The appointment of someone with recent national security experience signals that foreign relations are increasingly viewed through a security lens, prioritizing control and stability over engagement and charm offensives.
Implications for Singapore: Navigating Shifting Currents
For Singapore, these personnel changes carry significant implications that extend beyond mere diplomatic protocol. As a small, multiracial city-state that has built its success on maintaining balanced relations with major powers while preserving its sovereignty, Singapore must recalibrate its approach to Beijing in light of these shifts.
The Changing Nature of Party-to-Party Engagement
Singapore has long maintained pragmatic relations with the Chinese Communist Party through various channels, even while preserving its own distinct political identity. The People’s Action Party (PAP), Singapore’s ruling party, has engaged with the CPC on governance issues, urban planning, and policy innovation through forums like the China-Singapore Leadership Forum and other bilateral exchanges.
With Liu Haixing at the helm of the CPCID, these interactions may become more structured and less personalized. Gone may be the days of warm, spontaneous exchanges that characterized Liu Jianchao’s approach. Instead, Singapore can expect more carefully scripted engagements, with greater emphasis on formal protocols and predetermined talking points.
This shift could make it more challenging for Singapore to address sensitive issues or explore creative solutions to bilateral challenges. The informal channels that allowed for frank discussions may narrow, requiring Singapore’s diplomats to work harder to maintain the same level of understanding and cooperation.
Economic Interdependence in an Era of Caution
Singapore’s economy is deeply intertwined with China’s. As China’s largest foreign investor in ASEAN and a crucial node in supply chains connecting China to Southeast Asia and beyond, Singapore has substantial economic interests at stake. Chinese investment in Singapore’s infrastructure, technology sectors, and financial services runs into the billions of dollars.
The leadership changes suggest that China’s approach to economic engagement may become more calculated and risk-averse. Projects may face more scrutiny from security perspectives, and decisions may take longer as they pass through additional layers of approval. For Singapore’s businesses and policymakers, this means building in more time and flexibility for China-related ventures.
However, this caution may also present opportunities. Singapore’s reputation for stability, rule of law, and discretion could become even more valuable to Beijing as it seeks reliable partners in an uncertain global environment. Liu Haixing’s national security background might actually facilitate certain types of cooperation, particularly in areas where trust and confidentiality are paramount.
ASEAN Dynamics and the Balance of Power
Singapore plays an outsized role in ASEAN, often serving as a bridge between the grouping and major powers. China’s more cautious, security-focused approach to party diplomacy could complicate ASEAN’s efforts to maintain centrality and strategic autonomy.
The CPCID has been active in cultivating relationships with political parties across Southeast Asia, including opposition parties in countries like Malaysia, Thailand, and the Philippines. A more security-oriented approach might mean China becomes more selective about which parties it engages with, potentially focusing on those most likely to adopt Beijing-friendly positions on issues like the South China Sea or Taiwan.
For Singapore, this presents a delicate balancing act. As ASEAN chair in future rotations, Singapore may need to work harder to build consensus among member states with varying degrees of comfort with China’s influence. The loss of Liu Jianchao’s more flexible approach could make it more difficult to find creative compromises on contentious issues.
The Taiwan Factor
Singapore’s position on Taiwan—maintaining unofficial relations while adhering to the One China policy—requires careful diplomatic management. Recent tensions across the Taiwan Strait have already complicated this balancing act.
Liu Haixing’s national security background suggests that China’s Taiwan policy will be even more tightly controlled and less open to nuanced discussions. For Singapore, which has important economic and people-to-people ties with Taiwan, this means navigating an even narrower path. The CPCID, under Liu’s leadership, is likely to monitor more closely how regional political parties and leaders discuss Taiwan-related issues.
Singapore may find less room for the kind of quiet, practical diplomacy that has allowed it to maintain relations with both sides of the strait. Any perceived deviation from Beijing’s preferred position could result in sharper reactions than in the past.
Technology and Security Concerns
Singapore has positioned itself as a digital and technology hub, attracting investments from both Chinese and Western tech companies. The intersection of technology and security has become a flashpoint in US-China competition, and Singapore finds itself caught in the middle.
With a former national security official leading China’s party diplomacy, there may be increased sensitivity around technology transfers, data flows, and cybersecurity cooperation. Singapore’s efforts to maintain its position as a neutral, trusted hub for data centers and tech innovation could face new scrutiny from Beijing, particularly regarding which Western technology companies Singapore partners with.
Conversely, this could also create opportunities for Singapore to position itself as a trusted intermediary in technology governance, developing frameworks that balance innovation with security concerns in ways that both China and Western nations can accept.
The People-to-People Dimension
Singapore’s ethnic Chinese majority gives it a unique relationship with China, but this has also been a source of complications. Beijing has sometimes assumed that Singapore’s Chinese population gives it natural affinity with Chinese positions, while Singapore has consistently emphasized its multiracial identity and independent foreign policy.
Under Liu Haixing’s leadership, the CPCID may take a more nuanced approach to this relationship, recognizing the complexities of Singapore’s domestic politics. However, efforts to cultivate ties with Singapore’s Chinese community through cultural and educational exchanges may also come under more centralized control, with greater emphasis on narratives that align with the party’s priorities.
For Singapore, this requires continued vigilance in maintaining its narrative about multiracial harmony and national identity, ensuring that external influences do not complicate domestic cohesion.
What This Signals About Xi’s China
The replacement of Liu Jianchao with Liu Haixing is a microcosm of broader trends in Xi Jinping’s China:
Consolidation Over Innovation: Xi is prioritizing control and predictability over creative diplomacy or risk-taking. This makes sense given the challenges China faces—economic slowdown, demographic decline, technological competition with the West, and growing international pushback against its assertiveness.
Security Above All: The elevation of officials with national security backgrounds to foreign policy positions reflects Xi’s view that China faces a hostile international environment requiring a defensive, security-first posture.
The End of Wolf Warriors and Charm Offensives: China’s foreign policy pendulum has swung from the aggressive “wolf warrior” diplomacy of the late 2010s through the brief charm offensive under officials like Liu Jianchao, and now to a more careful, controlled approach that prioritizes security and stability.
Loyalty as the Ultimate Currency: In Xi’s third term, personal loyalty to the paramount leader has become the most important qualification for high office, often outweighing professional competence or international experience.
Strategic Recommendations for Singapore
Given these shifts in China’s approach to foreign engagement, Singapore should consider several strategic adjustments:
Diversify Diplomatic Channels
With party-to-party channels potentially becoming more formal and constrained, Singapore should invest in diversifying its points of contact with China. This includes:
- Strengthening ties with provincial and municipal governments
- Expanding business-to-business networks that operate semi-independently of political channels
- Deepening academic and think tank exchanges that can maintain dialogue when official channels are constrained
- Cultivating relationships with China’s next generation of leaders through educational exchanges and professional development programs
Enhance ASEAN Coordination
Singapore should work with like-minded ASEAN partners to develop common approaches to managing relations with a more security-conscious China. This includes:
- Building consensus on red lines and shared interests
- Coordinating responses to Chinese party diplomacy initiatives
- Sharing information about CPCID activities and approaches
- Developing ASEAN’s own capacity for party-to-party engagement as a bloc
Prepare for Slower, More Deliberate Engagement
With China’s foreign policy apparatus becoming more bureaucratic and risk-averse, Singapore should:
- Build longer timelines into planning for China-related initiatives
- Develop more extensive documentation and formal proposals for bilateral projects
- Create multiple backup plans for initiatives that may face unexpected delays or rejections
- Invest in deeper expertise on China’s bureaucratic processes and decision-making structures
Maintain Strategic Ambiguity Where Possible
Singapore should preserve its room for maneuver by:
- Avoiding taking sides in US-China competition where Singapore’s core interests are not at stake
- Emphasizing shared interests and common ground with China while maintaining clear boundaries
- Using multilateral forums to advance positions rather than bilateral confrontation
- Keeping some diplomatic initiatives private rather than publicizing them prematurely
Invest in Long-Term Relationship Building
Despite the challenging environment, Singapore should continue investing in long-term relationships with Chinese officials, including:
- Maintaining continuity in Singapore’s China-facing diplomatic personnel
- Creating opportunities for informal exchanges alongside formal engagements
- Supporting Chinese language and cultural competency among Singapore’s foreign policy establishment
- Building relationships at multiple levels of China’s bureaucracy, not just with top leaders
Conclusion: Navigating the New Normal
The appointment of Liu Haixing to lead the CPCID represents more than a simple personnel change. It is a signal that China’s approach to engaging the world is entering a new, more cautious phase characterized by centralized control, security consciousness, and preference for predictable, low-profile diplomacy over charismatic personalities and flexible engagement.
For Singapore, this shift presents both challenges and opportunities. The challenges are real: a more rigid Chinese approach to party diplomacy could make it harder to maintain the nuanced, balanced relationships that have served Singapore well. Economic opportunities may face more scrutiny, and political sensitivities could increase.
However, Singapore’s strengths—strategic location, economic dynamism, good governance, multiracial harmony, and diplomatic sophistication—remain valuable assets. In an environment where trust and predictability are at a premium, Singapore’s reliability and stability could become even more attractive to Beijing.
The key for Singapore will be maintaining its strategic autonomy while adapting to China’s new diplomatic style. This requires clearer communication, more structured engagement, deeper expertise on China’s evolving bureaucratic landscape, and continued cultivation of multiple channels of influence.
Most importantly, Singapore must avoid the temptation to see these changes as either purely threatening or purely beneficial. The reality is more complex: China’s foreign policy evolution creates a new set of constraints and opportunities that require careful navigation. Success will depend on Singapore’s ability to remain flexible, pragmatic, and true to its core interests while adapting to Beijing’s new approach.
As Chinese diplomacy enters this more cautious era, Singapore’s challenge is to ensure that caution does not become distance, and that formal engagement does not preclude substantive cooperation. The appointment of Liu Haixing marks the beginning of a new chapter in China’s engagement with the world. Singapore’s task is to help write the next pages of this relationship in ways that serve its national interests while maintaining constructive ties with its largest neighbor and crucial economic partner.
The stakes are high, but Singapore has navigated such transitions before. With clear-eyed assessment of the new realities, strategic patience, and continued investment in understanding and engaging with China, Singapore can adapt to this new phase while preserving the relationship’s benefits and managing its risks. The art of small-state diplomacy has never been more important.
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