South Korean President Lee Jae Myung’s recent statements at the United Nations General Assembly have sent ripples through the international security community, painting a stark picture of North Korea’s advancing nuclear capabilities. Speaking to investors at the New York Stock Exchange on September 25, 2025, Lee delivered a sobering assessment: North Korea stands on the precipice of achieving a fully operational intercontinental ballistic missile (ICBM) system capable of delivering nuclear warheads to the United States mainland.
This development represents a potential paradigm shift in global nuclear deterrence and regional security dynamics, with profound implications extending far beyond the Korean Peninsula to Southeast Asia and Singapore’s strategic interests.
The Technical Breakthrough: Understanding Re-entry Technology
What Re-entry Technology Means
The atmospheric re-entry phase represents the most technically demanding aspect of ICBM development. When a ballistic missile returns from space to strike its target, the warhead must survive extreme conditions including temperatures exceeding 3,000 degrees Celsius and intense atmospheric pressure. The warhead must maintain structural integrity, navigation accuracy, and nuclear functionality throughout this process.
President Lee’s assertion that North Korea is in the “final stage” of mastering this technology suggests Pyongyang has overcome most technical hurdles that have historically separated regional nuclear powers from those with global reach. The successful development of reliable re-entry vehicles would transform North Korea from a regional threat into a global nuclear power capable of holding any city in the United States at risk.
The Hwasong-19 and Beyond
The 2024 test of the Hwasong-19 ICBM demonstrated North Korea’s progress in achieving the range necessary to strike the continental United States. With an estimated range exceeding 15,000 kilometers, this missile system can theoretically reach any target within the US. However, range alone does not constitute a credible nuclear threat. The integration of reliable guidance systems, nuclear warhead miniaturization, and re-entry vehicle technology creates the complete weapon system that concerns President Lee.
Intelligence assessments suggest North Korea has been conducting extensive computer modeling and limited testing of re-entry technologies, possibly including sub-orbital tests disguised as satellite launches. The regime’s focus on perfecting this final technological barrier indicates a systematic approach to achieving a credible nuclear deterrent against the United States.
Strategic Implications for the Korean Peninsula
Shifting Power Dynamics
North Korea’s potential achievement of a reliable ICBM capability fundamentally alters the security equation on the Korean Peninsula. For decades, the US nuclear umbrella provided South Korea with assurance that any North Korean aggression would invite overwhelming retaliation. A North Korean capability to credibly threaten US cities introduces the classic Cold War dilemma: would the United States risk Los Angeles to save Seoul?
This capability could embolden North Korea to pursue more aggressive policies toward South Korea, potentially including limited military provocations, cyber warfare, or economic coercion, calculating that the United States would be reluctant to escalate conflicts that might result in nuclear exchange.
President Lee’s Diplomatic Approach
Lee’s emphasis on dialogue and his acknowledgment that “North Korea had apparently secured enough nuclear weapons to sustain its rulers” reflects a pragmatic acceptance of North Korea as a nuclear state. His proposed two-phase approach—mid-term nuclear reduction followed by long-term denuclearization—represents a significant shift from previous South Korean positions demanding immediate and complete denuclearization.
This approach recognizes the reality that North Korea views its nuclear arsenal as essential for regime survival and suggests a willingness to engage in arms control measures similar to those pursued with other nuclear powers during the Cold War.
Regional Security Architecture Under Strain
Alliance Implications
The potential for North Korean ICBMs to reach the United States mainland will test alliance structures throughout the Asia-Pacific region. South Korea, Japan, and other regional partners may question the reliability of US security guarantees if American cities are held at risk. This could drive these nations toward independent nuclear programs or alternative security arrangements.
Japan, which already faces North Korean intermediate-range missile threats, may accelerate its consideration of counterstrike capabilities or even nuclear weapons development. The prospect of a nuclear-armed Japan would fundamentally reshape regional dynamics and potentially trigger an arms race involving China and other regional powers.
China’s Dilemma
China faces complex calculations regarding North Korea’s advancing nuclear capabilities. While Beijing has historically supported North Korea as a strategic buffer against US influence, a North Korea capable of threatening the United States directly may reduce Chinese leverage over Pyongyang while potentially drawing increased US military presence to the region.
China’s response to North Korea’s nuclear advancement will significantly influence regional stability. Beijing may choose to increase pressure on North Korea to prevent further escalation, or it may calculate that a nuclear North Korea serves Chinese interests by complicating US strategic planning in the region.
Singapore’s Strategic Concerns
Economic Security
Singapore’s position as a global financial and trade hub makes it particularly vulnerable to regional instability. The city-state’s economy depends heavily on predictable trade routes, stable supply chains, and investor confidence. North Korea’s advancing nuclear capabilities introduce several risk factors that could impact Singapore’s economic interests.
First, escalating tensions on the Korean Peninsula could disrupt critical trade routes through Northeast Asian waters, affecting Singapore’s role as a transshipment hub. Approximately 25% of global trade passes through regional waters, and any military confrontation could severely impact shipping costs and supply chain reliability.
Second, increased regional tensions typically drive capital flight from regional markets toward safer havens. While Singapore might benefit from some safe-haven flows, broader regional instability would likely reduce overall investment and trade volumes, negatively impacting the city-state’s economy.
Defense and Security Implications
Singapore’s defense planning must account for the changing regional security environment. While North Korea poses no direct military threat to Singapore, the broader implications of its nuclear advancement affect regional stability in ways that could impact Singaporean interests.
The potential for arms races among regional powers, including possible nuclear proliferation, would create a more complex and dangerous security environment. Singapore’s defense establishment must consider how changing alliance structures and military capabilities among major powers might affect its own security planning and defense partnerships.
ASEAN Dynamics
North Korea’s nuclear advancement presents challenges for ASEAN’s traditional approach to regional security issues. The organization’s emphasis on non-interference and consensus-building may prove inadequate for addressing the security implications of a nuclear-armed North Korea capable of global reach.
Singapore, as a leading ASEAN member, may need to navigate between the organization’s traditional diplomatic approaches and the need for more robust responses to evolving security threats. The city-state’s diplomatic influence within ASEAN could prove crucial in developing coordinated regional responses to changing security dynamics.
Economic Dimensions of the Nuclear Crisis
Sanctions and Trade Impacts
The international sanctions regime against North Korea already affects regional trade patterns and compliance costs for businesses operating in the region. Singapore’s role as a major trading hub requires strict adherence to international sanctions, creating compliance costs and operational complexities for businesses.
Enhanced North Korean nuclear capabilities may lead to stricter sanctions enforcement and expanded restrictions on dual-use technologies and financial transactions. Singapore’s financial sector, which handles significant volumes of regional trade finance, must maintain robust compliance systems to prevent sanctions violations while supporting legitimate trade.
Investment Climate
Regional tensions stemming from North Korea’s nuclear program affect investor sentiment throughout Asia. Singapore competes with other regional financial centers for foreign investment, and perceived security risks can influence capital allocation decisions.
The city-state’s government has worked to position Singapore as a stable, secure location for regional headquarters and investment. Continued tensions on the Korean Peninsula, particularly if they escalate to military confrontation, could affect this positioning and require enhanced efforts to maintain investor confidence.
Diplomatic and Policy Responses
Singapore’s Diplomatic Role
Singapore’s diplomatic approach to the North Korean nuclear issue reflects its broader foreign policy principles of multilateralism, international law, and peaceful conflict resolution. The city-state has consistently supported international efforts to address North Korea’s nuclear program through diplomatic means while maintaining strict compliance with international sanctions.
As tensions potentially escalate, Singapore may play an important role in facilitating dialogue among regional powers. The city-state’s neutrality, diplomatic experience, and hosting capabilities make it a potential venue for future negotiations or confidence-building measures.
Multilateral Engagement
Singapore’s participation in regional security forums, including the ASEAN Regional Forum and East Asia Summit, positions it to influence regional responses to North Korea’s nuclear advancement. The city-state’s emphasis on multilateral solutions and rule-based international order could prove valuable in developing coordinated responses to emerging security challenges.
The potential for renewed diplomatic engagement with North Korea, as suggested by President Lee’s comments about dialogue, may create opportunities for Singapore to contribute to conflict resolution efforts while protecting its own interests.
Future Scenarios and Implications
Scenario 1: Successful Deterrence
If North Korea achieves reliable ICBM capability without triggering military confrontation, the region may settle into a new equilibrium similar to Cold War deterrence relationships. This scenario would require significant adjustments to alliance structures and defense planning but could ultimately prove stable if all parties accept the new status quo.
For Singapore, this scenario would require adaptation to a new security environment but would likely preserve the economic stability that underpins the city-state’s prosperity. Continued diplomatic engagement and multilateral cooperation would remain essential for managing tensions and preventing escalation.
Scenario 2: Regional Arms Race
North Korea’s nuclear advancement could trigger competitive responses from regional powers, potentially including South Korean or Japanese nuclear weapons programs. This scenario would create a much more complex and dangerous security environment with multiple nuclear actors and increased risks of miscalculation.
Singapore would face significantly greater security challenges in this scenario, requiring enhanced defense cooperation with partners and possibly reconsideration of its own defense policies. The economic impacts could be severe if regional tensions escalate to limit trade and investment.
Scenario 3: Military Confrontation
The possibility of military action to prevent North Korea from achieving operational ICBM capability cannot be entirely discounted, though it would carry enormous risks. Any military confrontation on the Korean Peninsula would have devastating implications for regional stability and economic security.
Singapore would face severe economic disruption in this scenario, requiring activation of crisis management procedures and potentially fundamental reassessment of regional engagement strategies. The city-state’s role in post-conflict reconstruction and diplomatic normalization could prove crucial if this scenario unfolds.
Recommendations for Singapore
Short-term Measures
Singapore should enhance its diplomatic engagement on the Korean Peninsula issue, leveraging its neutrality and multilateral credentials to support dialogue efforts. The city-state should also strengthen its sanctions compliance systems and maintain close coordination with international partners on enforcement measures.
Economic diversification efforts should continue to reduce dependence on any single regional trade route or partnership, while maintaining the flexibility to adapt to changing geopolitical circumstances. Defense cooperation with partners should be strengthened to address evolving security challenges.
Medium-term Strategies
Singapore should consider hosting or facilitating diplomatic initiatives aimed at reducing tensions and promoting dialogue among relevant parties. The city-state’s experience in hosting international summits and its neutral status could prove valuable in supporting conflict resolution efforts.
Investment in intelligence and strategic analysis capabilities should continue to ensure Singapore maintains situational awareness of evolving threats and opportunities. Diplomatic capacity should be enhanced to manage increasingly complex regional relationships and security challenges.
Long-term Considerations
Singapore’s approach to regional security architecture may require fundamental reassessment if current trends continue toward increased militarization and nuclear proliferation. The city-state may need to consider new forms of security cooperation and alliance relationships while maintaining its core principles of sovereignty and non-alignment.
Economic strategy should account for potential long-term changes in regional trade patterns and security relationships. Singapore’s role as a global city and regional hub may require adaptation to new geopolitical realities while preserving the stability and openness that underpin its prosperity.
Conclusion
President Lee Jae Myung’s assessment of North Korea’s advancing nuclear capabilities represents a watershed moment in regional security dynamics. The potential achievement of reliable ICBM technology by North Korea would fundamentally alter strategic relationships throughout the Asia-Pacific region, with implications extending far beyond the Korean Peninsula.
For Singapore, these developments present both challenges and opportunities. The city-state’s economic prosperity depends on regional stability and predictable international relationships, both of which could be threatened by escalating tensions or arms races among regional powers. However, Singapore’s diplomatic capabilities, neutral status, and experience in multilateral engagement position it to play a constructive role in managing these challenges.
The path forward requires careful balancing of competing interests and priorities. Singapore must maintain its commitment to international law and multilateral solutions while adapting to changing security realities. The city-state’s success in navigating these challenges will depend on its ability to preserve regional relationships, support diplomatic solutions, and maintain the stability that underpins its role as a global hub.
As the region enters a potentially new phase of nuclear dynamics, Singapore’s leadership in promoting dialogue, supporting international norms, and facilitating cooperation among diverse partners will prove more valuable than ever. The stakes could not be higher, not only for regional security but for the future of the rules-based international order that has enabled Singapore’s remarkable development and prosperity.
The Mediator’s Gambit
Chapter 1: The Call
The secure phone in Ambassador Chen Wei Ming’s study buzzed at 3:17 AM. As Singapore’s most senior diplomat and architect of the city-state’s multilateral engagement strategy, Chen had grown accustomed to calls that shattered the pre-dawn silence. But the voice on the other end—calm, measured, speaking in perfect Mandarin—made his blood run cold.
“Ambassador Chen, this is Deputy Foreign Minister Park from Seoul. We need to talk.”
Chen sat upright in his leather chair, the glow of Marina Bay’s skyline casting long shadows across his mahogany desk. The secured line meant this wasn’t a courtesy call.
“Of course, Minister Park. What can Singapore do for you?”
“President Lee’s statements yesterday about North Korea’s capabilities weren’t just for the investors,” Park said, his voice heavy with implication. “Our intelligence suggests they’re closer than we publicly admitted. We have perhaps six months before they achieve operational status.”
Chen’s mind raced. Six months. The carefully balanced regional order that had allowed Singapore to thrive—built on predictable tensions and manageable risks—was about to shatter.
“What are you asking of us?” Chen inquired, though he already suspected the answer.
“Singapore has something neither Beijing, Washington, nor Pyongyang can offer,” Park continued. “True neutrality. We need a venue, Ambassador. Somewhere all parties can meet without losing face.”
Chapter 2: The Chess Master
Three floors below Chen’s study, in the Singapore Maritime Foundation’s crisis management center, Dr. Sarah Lim was orchestrating what her team euphemistically called “contingency planning.” As the government’s chief strategic analyst, she had spent the past eighteen months gaming out scenarios for exactly this moment.
Her wall of screens displayed real-time data: shipping routes through the South China Sea, foreign exchange volatility, satellite imagery of ports from Busan to Shanghai. Every data point told the same story—the region was holding its breath.
“Ma’am,” her deputy, Lieutenant Colonel James Tan, approached with a tablet. “Trade volumes are down twelve percent since President Lee’s speech. The shipping insurers are getting nervous.”
Sarah nodded grimly. Singapore’s economy was like a finely tuned watch—every gear connected to every other. Regional instability didn’t just threaten their security; it threatened their existence as a global hub.
Her secure terminal chimed with an encrypted message from Ambassador Chen: “Activate Protocol Seven. Full discretion authorized.”
Protocol Seven. The contingency plan they had hoped never to use. Singapore would attempt to facilitate dialogue between parties who, officially, weren’t even speaking to each other.
Chapter 3: The Convergence
Two weeks later, the Shangri-La Hotel’s presidential suite had been transformed into something that didn’t officially exist. To the hotel staff, it was a “private business conference.” To the select few who knew its true purpose, it was the most important diplomatic gathering since the Cuban Missile Crisis.
Ambassador Chen stood at the floor-to-ceiling windows, watching the controlled chaos of Singapore’s harbor below. In six hours, representatives from four governments would sit at the same table—not as negotiators, but as “private citizens” engaged in “academic discussions” about regional security.
The North Korean representative had arrived via Beijing, traveling on a diplomatic passport but listed as a visiting professor. The American deputy assistant secretary had flown in from Hawaii, ostensibly for a maritime security conference. The South Korean delegation was officially attending a trade summit. The Chinese had simply never announced their presence at all.
“Nervous?” asked Dr. Lim, joining Chen at the window.
“Terrified,” Chen admitted. “If this works, we’ve helped prevent a nuclear crisis. If it fails spectacularly, we’ve compromised our neutrality with everyone simultaneously.”
“The third option is what worries me most,” Sarah replied. “If we do nothing and the situation escalates, there won’t be neutrality left to compromise.”
Chapter 4: The Dance
The first session was a masterclass in diplomatic theater. Each representative sat at precisely calculated distances, their body language speaking volumes their words couldn’t convey. Professor Kim Sung-ho from Pyongyang’s Institute for Strategic Studies maintained perfect composure as he outlined North Korea’s “academic perspective” on regional security architecture.
“From a theoretical standpoint,” Kim said, his English deliberately formal, “any nation must possess the means to ensure its survival in an anarchic international system. The question is not whether such capabilities should exist, but how their existence can be managed within established frameworks.”
Deputy Assistant Secretary Jennifer Walsh from the State Department’s Policy Planning Staff nodded thoughtfully. “That’s an interesting academic point, Professor. Of course, theoretical capabilities and operational deployments represent different challenges for regional stability.”
Ambassador Chen watched the careful dance with professional admiration. Every word was chosen to convey meaning without commitment, to explore possibilities without creating obligations. This was diplomacy at its most delicate.
Dr. Park Cheol-min from Seoul’s Institute for National Security Strategy leaned forward slightly. “The academic literature suggests that periods of technological transition create windows of both opportunity and risk. The key is whether interested parties can create mutual assurance mechanisms during such transitions.”
The Chinese representative, Professor Liu Xiaoming from the Central Party School, had remained silent throughout the morning session. When he finally spoke, his words carried the weight of Beijing’s calculations.
“Historical precedent suggests that sustainable security architectures require acknowledgment of legitimate interests by all parties,” Liu said carefully. “The question is whether contemporary circumstances allow for such mutual recognition.”
Chapter 5: The Breakthrough
By the third day, the careful academic language had given way to more direct exchanges. Behind closed doors, with only Singapore’s facilitators present, the real negotiations began.
“Let’s stop pretending,” said the American representative, Jennifer Walsh, setting down her coffee cup with deliberate precision. “You have an ICBM program that could reach Los Angeles in six months. We have alliance obligations that could put Seoul at risk if we have to choose between American cities and Korean ones. What’s your proposal?”
Kim Sung-ho had shed some of his professorial demeanor. “Our proposal is simple recognition of reality. We are a nuclear state. That cannot be changed. What can be changed is how that reality is managed.”
“Managed how?” asked Dr. Park from Seoul.
“Gradual integration into existing frameworks,” Kim replied. “We’re not asking to join NPT review conferences tomorrow. But we are suggesting that continued isolation serves no one’s interests—including Beijing’s.”
The Chinese representative shifted uncomfortably. Professor Liu had been walking a tightrope throughout the discussions, neither endorsing North Korean positions nor condemning them outright.
Ambassador Chen saw his opening. “Perhaps,” he interjected carefully, “the question isn’t whether North Korea becomes part of existing frameworks immediately, but whether we can create transitional mechanisms that address everyone’s concerns.”
“What kind of mechanisms?” Walsh asked.
Chen had been preparing for this moment. “Confidence-building measures. Regular technical exchanges. Gradual expansion of diplomatic contacts. And most importantly, a regional forum where these issues can be discussed openly rather than through intermediaries.”
Chapter 6: The Proposal
On the final day, the five delegations sat around a circular table in Singapore’s Foreign Ministry. The morning sun streamed through the conference room’s windows, casting everything in golden light that seemed almost prophetic.
Ambassador Chen placed a single document in the center of the table. “The Singapore Framework for Regional Security Dialogue,” he announced. “A non-binding framework for ongoing consultation on nuclear security issues in Northeast Asia.”
The document was elegant in its simplicity. It established regular meetings, rotated among neutral venues. It created working groups on technical cooperation, confidence-building measures, and economic integration. Most importantly, it acknowledged the reality of North Korea’s nuclear capabilities while creating pathways for their gradual integration into regional security architecture.
“This isn’t arms control,” Chen explained. “This isn’t denuclearization. This is conflict management and risk reduction. It’s a framework for talking instead of threatening.”
Jennifer Walsh studied the document carefully. “The United States would need assurances about continued alliance commitments.”
“Those aren’t affected,” Chen assured her. “This is additional to existing arrangements, not a replacement for them.”
Dr. Park looked troubled. “Seoul will need guarantees that this doesn’t legitimize North Korea’s nuclear program.”
“It doesn’t legitimize it,” Kim Sung-ho interjected. “It manages it. There’s a difference.”
Professor Liu had remained silent throughout the presentation. Finally, he spoke. “Beijing would view such a framework favorably, provided it doesn’t constrain China’s existing relationships or commitments.”
Chapter 7: The Gambit
That evening, Ambassador Chen stood alone in his office, looking out over the Singapore Strait. The document sat on his desk, signed by all five representatives in their “private capacities.” It wasn’t a treaty. It wasn’t even an official agreement. But it was a beginning.
His secure phone rang. Prime Minister’s office.
“Wei Ming,” came the familiar voice of Prime Minister Lee Hsien Yang. “I’ve been briefed on your week. Tell me honestly—what have we committed ourselves to?”
Chen chose his words carefully. “We’ve committed ourselves to hosting conversations that might prevent a nuclear war. We’ve also positioned Singapore as the indispensable mediator in the most important security challenge of our generation.”
“And the risks?”
“If this fails, we’ll be blamed by everyone. If it succeeds, we’ll have proven that small states can play decisive roles in global security. If we had done nothing…” Chen paused. “If we had done nothing, Prime Minister, we might not have had a choice to make in six months.”
There was silence on the line. Finally, the Prime Minister spoke. “Proceed with implementation planning. And Wei Ming—if this works, you’ll have earned your place in history. If it doesn’t…”
“If it doesn’t, sir, there may not be much history left to worry about.”
Chapter 8: The Long Game
Six months later, Ambassador Chen stood in the same spot in his study, but the world had changed. The Singapore Framework had held through its first major test—a North Korean missile test that, under the old paradigm, might have triggered military responses. Instead, it had triggered emergency consultations under the Framework. Crisis had been managed, not escalated.
The morning’s intelligence briefing had confirmed what President Lee’s warning had predicted: North Korea had achieved reliable re-entry capability. They were now, unquestionably, a global nuclear power. But they were also, for the first time in decades, talking to their neighbors within an established framework.
Dr. Sarah Lim entered the study with her daily briefing folder. “Trade volumes are back to normal,” she reported. “Insurance premiums have stabilized. The markets seem to believe we’ve found a sustainable equilibrium.”
“Have we?” Chen asked.
Sarah considered the question seriously. “We’ve found a manageable disequilibrium,” she replied. “Which, in international relations, is often the best you can hope for.”
Chen’s secure phone buzzed with an encrypted message from the US State Department: “Second round of Singapore Framework consultations approved for next month. Ambassador Walsh sends regards.”
Another message, this one from Seoul: “President Lee credits Singapore Framework with preventing crisis escalation. Grateful for continued facilitation.”
And finally, most surprisingly, a message from Beijing: “Professor Liu requests discussion of expanding Framework to include maritime security issues. Chinese leadership views Singapore’s role as constructive.”
Epilogue: The New Normal
One year after the crisis that never quite became a crisis, Singapore had settled into its new role as the indispensable mediator in Northeast Asian security affairs. The Shangri-La Dialogue had been expanded to include regular Framework consultations. The city-state’s diplomatic corps had grown by thirty percent to handle the increased workload.
Ambassador Chen had been promoted to Foreign Minister, and Dr. Sarah Lim had become Singapore’s first Director of Strategic Mediation—a position that didn’t exist before but had become essential to regional stability.
The Singapore Framework hadn’t solved the North Korean nuclear issue. It had made it manageable. Regular technical exchanges had reduced the risk of accidents or miscalculations. Economic cooperation programs had given all parties incentives for restraint. Most importantly, it had created a space for dialogue when crises inevitably arose.
Standing in his new office at the Foreign Ministry, Chen reflected on the gambit that had defined his career. Singapore had chosen to step forward when the great powers had stepped back, to offer solutions when others could only identify problems. It had been risky, audacious, and completely consistent with the small nation’s approach to survival in a dangerous world.
His assistant knocked and entered. “Minister Chen, the North Korean delegation has arrived for the quarterly review session. They’re asking if the working lunch can include discussion of trade facilitation measures.”
Chen smiled. A year ago, North Korean officials couldn’t officially meet with American diplomats. Now they were discussing trade deals over dim sum in Singapore. It wasn’t the world anyone had planned for, but it was a world they could all live in.
“Tell them yes,” Chen replied. “And remind the Americans that their suggestion about technical cooperation working groups is on this afternoon’s agenda.”
As his assistant left to coordinate another impossible conversation between implacable enemies, Chen returned to his window overlooking the harbor. Somewhere out there, ships were carrying goods between countries that had been on the brink of war twelve months earlier. The carefully balanced chaos of global trade continued, made possible by the equally careful balance of managed tensions and diplomatic solutions.
It wasn’t perfect. It might not even be permanent. But it was proof that small nations could play decisive roles in global affairs, that neutrality was not passivity, and that sometimes the most important victories were the crises that never quite happened.
The path forward still required careful balancing of competing interests and priorities. Singapore still had to maintain its commitment to international law and multilateral solutions while adapting to changing security realities. But the city-state had proven that its success in navigating these challenges depended not just on preserving relationships and supporting diplomatic solutions, but on actively creating new ones when the old ones failed.
In a region entering a new phase of nuclear dynamics, Singapore’s leadership in promoting dialogue, supporting international norms, and facilitating cooperation among diverse partners had indeed proven more valuable than ever. The stakes remained as high as ever—for regional security and for the future of the rules-based international order that had enabled Singapore’s remarkable development and prosperity.
But for the first time in months, Ambassador-turned-Minister Chen allowed himself to believe that those stakes were manageable, one carefully orchestrated conversation at a time.
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